For finding a correct and precise label to new SPIRITUAL MOVEMENTS, it is necessary to define religion and mysticism. It is apparent that religion is experience of numinous encounter and accommodation with it. Religion manifests itself in a set of practical, speculative and social dimensions. Mysticism only refers to esoteric attitude in the realm of a tradition. Mysticism is an intuitive insight to religious teachings and this insight is often monotheistic. All of the dimensions of religion are there in new SPIRITUAL groups and MOVEMENTS. So, we can in a justifiable manner, name these MOVEMENTS, "religion". "New SPIRITUALities" aren't a kind of attitude to religions. Indeed, they are opponents of religion and assume themselves as independent doctrinal systems. Because of their claims about completeness for happiness, felicity and salvation, these systems can be more properly named "religion" than "mysticism".

Encyclopedia of new religious MOVEMENTS edited by Peter B. Clarke provides a truly engaging and authentic view of the emerging religious MOVEMENTS on a background of the universe. This encyclopedia, containing 428 articles from leading academics, studies the remarkable examples of religious MOVEMENTS emerging in each continent. Clarke as an editor has written a higher income as "New Religions as a global phenomenon", a "Resource guide of NRM" and a useful article entitled "Typology of new religions" in this encyclopedia. This encyclopedia is a leading, research, updating, important, and valuable reference for academic libraries. However, the encyclopedia suffers from some disadvantages, among which we can refer to apparent contradictions in Index, the incidence of historical errors, print, etc., in its context and putting NRM identified with the Cults, sects, and counter-culture groups

Background and objective: Over the last few decades, social MOVEMENTS have raised variety forms of collective behavior, which is in terms of objectives, nature and method of campaign totally different from classic MOVEMENTS. The new approach is concentrated on such a type of power which is described by Steven Lukes as “Third dimension of power”. The power has a different and new nature based on mentality processing and satisfaction. The type of vast cultural and social changes taken place in Iran, especially in megapolises. Meanwhile, expansion of communications has provided proper circumstances for formation of MOVEMENTS like this. The present research aims at identifying aspects of these MOVEMENTS and surveying the level of their tendency toward soft power. The basic question raised here is: “To what extent is the level of social MOVEMENTS approach oriented toward third power (soft power)?”Material: The research is of descriptive-survey type. A questionnaire based on Likert scale was used for collecting data from 72 commanders and managers who have had close relationship with social MOVEMENTS, in terms of its relevance with their professions. The samples were randomly selected in clusters.Findings: The research findings indicated that over the last few decades in Iran, social MOVEMENTS have had tendency toward third power (soft power). The MOVEMENTS have been oriented toward becoming cultural, value-based, satisfactory and avoiding violence. They have basically used some specific tools such as media, art, symbolism, etc. for displaying their objectives, and campaign. Therefore, their control and management should be fulfilled while taking into consideration these realities.

New Social MOVEMENTS: A Case Study of Emerging Environmental MOVEMENTS Abstract The term modern social MOVEMENTS is used to describe MOVEMENTS that were active in France in the late 1960s through collective action in the social sphere. The most important new social MOVEMENTS are the civil rights movement, the women's movement, the peace movement and the environmental movement. The rapid growth of industrial and capitalist societies, regardless of environmental degradation, has created many problems. The most important problems are soil erosion, resource reduction, ozone depletion, greenhouse effects, extinction of animal and plant species and various types of soil and climate pollution. The combination of these factors has provided the basis for the formation and activation of environmental MOVEMENTS. The present paper tries to answer the question of how emerging environmental MOVEMENTS can be analyzed in the form of new social MOVEMENTS? And what are their effects on new social MOVEMENTS? Therefore, with the qualitative interpretive method, and the method of case studies, it examines the nature and why of emerging environmental MOVEMENTS. The research findings show that environmental crises and the need to solve environmental problems that have become a pervasive and global crisis, have provided the basis for the formation, activity and impact of emerging environmental MOVEMENTS. Therefore, in order to deal with the existing crises, emerging environmental MOVEMENTS first informed and increased public awareness, and then created pro-environmental organizations and groups, and finally, by entering In the field of politics, and using new tools and methods, they have expressed their demands and protests in a peaceful and non-violent way, in order to force governments to respond and finally enter directly into The field of politics as influential groups and political parties in the field of public policy. As a result, the volume and scope of social power and the political influence of emerging environmental MOVEMENTS have led to the revitalization and enrichment of new social MOVEMENTS; in a way that today they can be identified and analyzed as powerful social forces and influential actors in the field of political sociology. Keywords: New Social MOVEMENTS, Emerging Environmental MOVEMENTS, Social Forces, Methods of Action, Political Nature.

AbstractIn recent years we have witnessed kinds of collective actions that have intensely represented characteristics of new social MOVEMENTS (such as weak organization, lack of leadership, and non-ideological orientation), called bio-movement and non-movement. What is the nature of such activism and its effects on democratic transformation? As a response, the paper hypothesizes that social bio-movement and non-MOVEMENTS can be considered micro-politics of resistance which might facilitate the democratic transformation (whether democratization or democracy). But their definite and permanent effect takes place by gradually imposing their demands on the ruling bio-political relations. To justify the hypothesis, the paper takes advantage of a combinative framework constituted of some conceptions in the late socio-political theories (postmodern and late modern theories). Three elements of this conceptual apparatus are “life politics” (Anthony Giddens), Rhizome theory (Gilles Deleuze), and the duality of “democratic and popular demands” (Ernesto Laclau and Chantel Mouffe). The finding implies the fact that although democratic transformation entails moving from the passive action of self-expressivism (resisting institutional rigidity) to the active action of creating a collective narration (mutating from passive solidarity into a counter-hegemonic movement), bio-MOVEMENTS and non-MOVEMENTS grounds for a democratic transformation in a long time by direct expressing of their demands. The present paper organizes the library-based data in a descriptive-analytical way.Keywords: Social Non-MOVEMENTS, Bio-MOVEMENTS, Micro-politics, Life Politics, Passive Solidarity, Democracy. 1. IntroductionFrom the late 20th century, we have witnessed the emergence of new social MOVEMENTS, born out of decreasing public trust in the institutional structures of representative systems (parliaments and parties) to represent the diverse demands of contemporary pluralistic societies. Unlike classic social MOVEMENTS, these are spontaneous collective actions without centralized organization or prominent leadership, which have become the basis for protest behaviors. In recent years, due to globalization (especially the expansion of communication technologies), we have seen examples that prominently exhibit these characteristics. Experts have chosen to refer to these MOVEMENTS with new terms such as “non-MOVEMENTS” and “bio-MOVEMENTS”. These terms, on one hand, point to the differences in the components of these actions compared to conventional social MOVEMENTS, and on the other hand, indicate their inevitable classification as “a kind of movement” capable of playing a role in social and political transformations, regardless of the type of political regime (democratic, semi-democratic, authoritarian). The importance of such research lies in its ability to assess the global spread of these types of MOVEMENTS and their implications for political processes, beyond case studies of the failed experiences.  2. Materials and MethodAnalyzing the relationship between non-MOVEMENTS, life MOVEMENTS, and democratic transformation requires a conceptual framework that encompasses the nature, style of action, and agency of this type of collective action. - Life Politics: Micro-politics of Resistance against GovernmentalityConsidering Michel Foucault’s notion that “where there is power, there is resistance” and its political expansion by Laclau and Mouffe (redefining the political as the sphere of social conflicts over creating hegemony for desired norms), new social MOVEMENTS can be seen as the actions of the “others” of hegemonic discourse and the dominant order. According to Anthony Giddens, these actions are not framed within “emancipatory politics” but rather as “life politics,” which seek to pursue their own meaning of life, setting aside the grand emancipatory ideals of ideologies.- Rhizomatic Structure, Fluidity, and FacelessnessThese collective actions exemplify Gilles Deleuze’s concept of “rhizomatic” thinking. Unlike tree-like thinking, which involves linear, vertical, and hierarchical connections, rhizomatic thinking suggests horizontal, multiple, and holistic interactions. Similarly, rhizomatic actions reflect a non-centralized movement that is everywhere and nowhere at the same time. These actions are in a state of constant “becoming,” resembling a nomadic existence that doesn’t align with limitation and stagnation.- Democratic and Popular DemandsThe mechanism of agency in this type of action can be explained through Ernesto Laclau’s concept of “demand,” ranging from requests to claims. When the logic of equivalence among diverse and separate demands emerges, two types of demands resonate in society simultaneously: distinct demands under the “logic of difference,” termed “democratic demands,” and a multitude of demands under the “logic of equivalence,” forming a broader social subjectivity known as “popular demands,” which gradually shape the people as a historical actor. 3. Discussion The micro-politics of social non-MOVEMENTS have emerged in a context described by terms like postmodernity and globalization. The collapse of meta-narratives, the proliferation of little-narratives, de-ideologization, individualization, and free communication in a networked society characterize this era. In such an environment, the dominance of technocracy and bureaucracy over the participatory nature of representative democracies has led to the discrediting of the representative system and the emergence of micro-politics as a new form of political action. This new form embodies life politics, expressive political belief, and direct action.The term “social non-MOVEMENTS,” which are bio-MOVEMENTS, refers to passive networks of micro-political resistance. This type of action represents the politics of presence as a silent struggle, direct action of spontaneous passive networks in everyday life, and bio-political resistance of the marginalized.The impact of this type of action on transformation within the “institutional structure” depends on variables such as the mutation from non-movement to movement, the structure of political opportunities, and how actors interact with institutional politics. However, this does not negate the “trickle-down effects” of the micro-political actions of non-MOVEMENTS and social life MOVEMENTS. These actions act as new agents of democratization, recognizing the loopholes for action and representing the power of the multitude.The theory of social non-movement explains how a passive group of people becomes active citizens (a social movement) attempting to overthrow the dominant regime through confrontational politics. This theory highlights that real struggle (even silent and individual) has always been ongoing among many people. In other words, social mobilization has been forming beforehand and only becomes organized opposition politics during suitable political opportunities (such as internal conflicts, crises, international pressure, wars, etc.). 4. ConclusionDemocratic transformation requires reviewing the successes and failures in confronting authoritarianism and studying various forms of collective action in the present era. The transition from protest to democratic order can take multiple paths: from classic revolutionary and reformist MOVEMENTS focused on macro-politics (government institutions) to new social MOVEMENTS centered on micro-politics (defending identity and life against the norms and systems of political life). Thus, all possible scenarios of societal transformation cannot be reduced to a binary of classic reformist or revolutionary action, thereby neutralizing political imagination.Considering the distinction between “the political” (the conflict of discourses over creating hegemony for norms) and “politics” (the institutionalization of a norm resulting from the temporary hegemony of a discourse), the direct, spontaneous, dispersed, and non-ideological actions of bio-MOVEMENTS and social non-MOVEMENTS can be effective because they aim to transcend structural rigidity. In democratic systems, such actions serve as opportunities to make technocratic-bureaucratic liberal democracies more participatory. In authoritarian regimes, the emphasis on self-chosen norms acts as micro-resistance actions that gradually contribute to democratization, especially considering that in the absence of organized civil society (due to governmental dominance), these uncontrolled actions are the only means of social agency.

In recent decades, we have witnessed the emergence of various social MOVEMENTS in Western liberal democracies. These MOVEMENTS have their roots in a crisis of representation, which refers to the gap between citizens' aspirations and decision-making institutions in representative democracies. The aim of the present study is to investigate this crisis and conduct a comparative analysis of the characteristics of two dominant types of MOVEMENTS that have emerged in response to this crisis. The main question of the article is to explore the similarities and differences between late social MOVEMENTS in Western liberal democracies. In response, the hypothesis of the article posits that in circumstances where the emergence of new social and populist MOVEMENTS in the West can be viewed in response to the crisis of representation in the institutional structure of Western liberal democracies, these two types of MOVEMENTS differ in terms of ideology, organization, leadership, and perception of an ideal political society. To justify this hypothesis, a combined conceptual framework is employed, consisting of the elements of "politics of identity" and the dualism of pluralism and unity. According to this framework, the common element of late social MOVEMENTS can be identified as an "identity concern" stemming from the elitist structure of liberal democracy. However, due to differences in their interpretation of the "ideal society, " these MOVEMENTS differ in their characteristics and implications for the democratic system. The research method of the article is descriptive-analytical, and data is collected based on the study of library resources and online databases.

Although the poverty has always been regarded as the main cause of social problems and protest MOVEMENTS, the relationship between those key concepts has not been a clear one. The definition of poverty and social movement and the relationship between the two have been subject to much confusion which stems from the fact that neither poverty nor social MOVEMENTS are neutral concepts. They are culturally bond and to a great degree change based upon the affiliations and class biases of those studying them. For this reason the paper at first has attempted to present various meanings which are available for both concept and review main approaches which have tried to show the relationship between poverty and social MOVEMENTS. Secondly in brief, the historical changes which are Important in studying the role of poverty in social MOVEMENTS both in western societies and the Third World are mentioned. In this regard, the role of globalization from the above and the gradual weakening of the organized labor MOVEMENTS are singled out. At the end it is claimed that however due to class polarization, a radicalization of all MOVEMENTS especially those which are directly related to urban poor seems inevitable, for the rime being most of the social MOVEMENTS ate non violent, inter-systemic aimed at well defined and limited demands. Thus governments by acknowledging the rights of masses to protest can prevent more destructive types of collective actions.

Objective(s): To study the prevalence of Stereotypic MOVEMENTS (SM) in children. Methods: Using a multistage sampling method, we selected 300 children from 13 day care centers and primary schools in Urmia (Western Azerbaijan Province). Data collection involved parent interviews in the presence of the children. Results: Three hundreds children (167 boys and 133 girls) were included in the study. Nearly 50% (149 out of 300) had one type of SM. The prevalence of different type of stereotypic MOVEMENTS were as follows: bruxism 16%, head banging 13%, hair pulling 8%, nail biting 7% and thumb sucking 6%; each of the affected subjects had only one type of SM .There were not any significant relationships between sex and various SM varieties- except for head banging, which was more common in boys (P<0.001). There were no significant associations between parents’ education or occupation and the presence of any type of SM (P> 0.05).Conclusion: The prevalence of Stereotypic MOVEMENTS is high in children. To confirm the findings more comprehensive studies are recommended.

In the last three decades, researchers have begun a wide-ranging effort to elucidate the causes of sedimentary cracks in the plains and have often attributed such gaps to excessive groundwater harvesting. Although subsidence in these plains has been proven credible by scientific documents, its relevance to water abstraction from underground aquifers has been subject to some uncertainty, as the "shag" or "drum" phenomenon has been pre-empted by many Iranian peasants. The adoption of diesel suction technology and deep wells has been a well-known phenomenon. On the other hand, subsidence is not confined to low-negative plains and positive-low plains. This evidence led to the observation of the behavior of these plains in terms of water abstraction from aquifers and tectonic motions to clarify the cause of this issue by relying on different types of documents and empirical modeling of the underground in both dynamic and static conditions. The results of this study show that: * The phenomenon of drumming or drumming, which most scholars attribute to the overwhelming harvest of underground aquifers, has a much longer historical history, so that this phenomenon before many diesel diggers and digging wells for many Iranian peasants. The phenomenon has been experienced and recognized. In the last three decades, researchers have begun a wide-ranging effort to elucidate the causes of sedimentary cracks in the plains and have often attributed such gaps to excessive groundwater harvesting. Although subsidence in these plains has been proven credible by scientific documents, its relevance to water abstraction from underground aquifers has been subject to some uncertainty, as the "shag" or "drum" phenomenon has been pre-empted by many Iranian peasants. The adoption of diesel suction technology and deep wells has been a well-known phenomenon. On the other hand, subsidence is not confined to low-negative plains and positive-low plains. This evidence led to the observation of the behavior of these plains in terms of water abstraction from aquifers and tectonic motions to clarify the cause of this issue by relying on different types of documents and empirical modeling of the underground in both dynamic and static conditions. The results of this study show that: * The phenomenon of drumming or drumming, which most scholars attribute to the overwhelming harvest of underground aquifers, has a much longer historical history, so that this phenomenon before many diesel diggers and digging wells for many Iranian peasants. The phenomenon has been experienced and recognized. In the last three decades, researchers have begun a wide-ranging effort to elucidate the causes of sedimentary cracks in the plains and have often attributed such gaps to excessive groundwater harvesting. Although subsidence in these plains has been proven credible by scientific documents, its relevance to water abstraction from underground aquifers has been subject to some uncertainty, as the "shag" or "drum" phenomenon has been pre-empted by many Iranian peasants. The adoption of diesel suction technology and deep wells has been a well-known phenomenon. On the other hand, subsidence is not confined to low-negative plains and positive-low plains. This evidence led to the observation of the behavior of these plains in terms of water abstraction from aquifers and tectonic motions to clarify the cause of this issue by relying on different types of documents and empirical modeling of the underground in both dynamic and static conditions. The results of this study show that: * The phenomenon of drumming or drumming, which most scholars attribute to the overwhelming harvest of underground aquifers, has a much longer historical history, so that this phenomenon before many diesel diggers and digging wells for many Iranian peasants. The phenomenon has been experienced and recognized. In the last three decades, researchers have begun a wide-ranging effort to elucidate the causes of sedimentary cracks in the plains and have often attributed such gaps to excessive groundwater harvesting. Although subsidence in these plains has been proven credible by scientific documents, its relevance to water abstraction from underground aquifers has been subject to some uncertainty, as the "shag" or "drum" phenomenon has been pre-empted by many Iranian peasants. The adoption of diesel suction technology and deep wells has been a well-known phenomenon. On the other hand, subsidence is not confined to low-negative plains and positive-low plains. This evidence led to the observation of the behavior of these plains in terms of water abstraction from aquifers and tectonic motions to clarify the cause of this issue by relying on different types of documents and empirical modeling of the underground in both dynamic and static conditions. The results of this study show that: * The phenomenon of drumming or drumming, which most scholars attribute to the overwhelming harvest of underground aquifers, has a much longer historical history, so that this phenomenon before many diesel diggers and digging wells for many Iranian peasants. The phenomenon has been experienced and recognized.

Sufism as an Islamic movement that is based on shared beliefs of Shiites and Sunnis, has many members and advocators from all over the Islamic world, both from Shias and Sunnis, while it has many similarities and even differences with these two religions. One of the most important aspects of Sufism is that it has been able to esablish positive interactions with other religions.The researcher objective in this article is, however, to determine the historical role of Sufism in Indian subcontinent and survey its influences on Islam expansion in this region, based on analytical-descriptive and historical methodologies. Meanwhile, the author tries to have a review on contemporary Sufism MOVEMENTS to step forward for a primary perception of its branches. Because he believes that by trying to have an intuitive understanding of Sufism and know more about its various faces, we could find better ways to use Islamic culture potentials and shared cultural beliefs.